This dissertation investigates the morpho-syntax, and semantics of eventuality in Paiwan and Saaroa, two Austronesian languages spoken in southern Taiwan. Situated under the Minimalist framework (e.g., Chomsky 2000, 2001) as well as within the generative Constructionist approach (e.g., Hale and Keyser 1993, 2002, Ramchand 2008), the present study addresses the following three questions: (1) what factors determine the semantic and morphological, and syntactic behaviors of the state verbs and their corresponding change-of-state counterparts in Paiwan and Saaroa?; (2) What are the core grammatical properties of the (anti-)causative verbs in both languages?; (3) How does Paiwan differ from Saaroa in the formation of (anti-)causative verbs?
To begin with, we argue that the entailment patterns, the licensing of the maximality degree modifiers and case-marked measure phrases, and the choice of inchoative markers (i.e., ma- and me- in Paiwan) are determined by the ‘comparison standard’ parameter of state verb roots (Kennedy and McNally 2005), and we propose that the aspectual interpretations of degree achievements are deeply correlated with the scale structures of their state roots (Kennedy and Levin 2008): The atelic degree achievement verbs denote a measure-of-change function from an object and an event to an open scale with a [-Max] value, whereas the telic degree achievement verbs represent a function from an individual and an event to a totally closed scale with [+Max] degree.
Next, we propose that the differences between causative and anti-causative verbs result from different flavors of v0. First, both causative and anti-causative verbs involve little v0 with [Cause] feature and therefore the causative reading appears and the Causer argument is licensed in both types of constructions. On the other hand, the [Intent] or [Agent] feature is only absent from external-argument-selector v0 in the anti-causative verb constructions. Accordingly, the Causer argument is interpreted as ‘unintentional’ in Paiwan or ‘non-human’ in Saaroa. Syntactically, this argument cannot occupy the Spec position of the highest vP to receive a nominative case, and in turn it is demoted as an adjunct and cannot control a PRO.
Then, we suggest that the choice of different formal features in v0 also results in the typological variations between Paiwan and Saaroa eventuality predicates. Following C. -L. Li’s (2009) (Multiple) Agree account and assuming that the un-interpretable [Manner] feature is selected to be installed in little v head of Saaroa (but not Paiwan) VP, we propose that the concord effect arises as the phonological reflex of the Agree operation between the matrix resultative verbs with an un-interpretable [Manner] feature and the embedded causal verbs with an interpretable corresponding feature.
To conclude, the expressions of eventuality predicates in Paiwan and Saaroa are conditioned by the interactions between the contents of the little v head and the types of verbal roots. Hopefully, this study may advance our comprehension of the semantic and syntactic behaviors of linguistic events.

Acknowledgements i
Abstract iv
List of Tables xii
List of Figures xiv
List of Abbreviations xv
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1. Eventuality Predicates and Verbal Morphology 1
1.2. Linguistic Data and Research Questions 3
1.3. Research Motivations 4
1.4. The Organization of the Dissertation 1
Chapter 2 A Sketch of Paiwan and Saaroa Grammars 3
2.1. A Sketch of Paiwan Grammar 3
2.1.1. Phonemic Inventory 3
2.1.2. Orthographic Representation 4
2.1.3. Word Order 5
2.1.4. Voice 7
2.1.5. Case 11
2.1.6. Pronouns 15
2.1.7. Aspect and Mood 19
2.1.8. Reduplication 25
2.2. A Sketch of Saaroa Grammar 29
2.2.1. Phonemic Inventory 29
2.2.2. Orthographic Representation 30
2.2.3. Word Order 31
2.2.4. Voice 31
2.2.5. Case 36
2.2.6. Pronouns 39
2.2.7. Aspect and Mood 40
2.2.8. Reduplication 45
Chapter 3 Theoretical Review 47
3.1. An Introduction to Events 47
3.1.1. Verb Class and Eventuality Types 47
3.1.2. A (Neo-)Davidsonian View of Events and Argument Structure 48
3.2. An Overview of Event Structure Representations 50
3.2.1. The Semantics-based Projectionist Approach 51
3.2.1.1. Aspectual Operator Accounts 51
3.2.1.2. Feature Decomposition Accounts 56
3.2.1.3. Event Composition Accounts 58
3.2.2. The Syntax-based Constructionist Approach 59
3.2.2.1. vP Accounts 60
3.2.2.2. AspP Accounts 76
3.3. Summary 83
Chapter 4 Gradable State Predicates and Degree Achievements 84
4.1. Introduction 84
4.1.1. A Typology of Gradable Predicates 84
4.1.2. Degree Achievements 87
4.2. Gradable Predicates in Paiwan 89
4.2.1. Semantic Property 90
4.2.1.1. Degree Modifiers and Degree Constructions 90
4.2.1.2. Entailment Patterns 93
4.2.1.3. Endpoint-oriented Modifier 96
4.2.2. Syntactic Behavior 98
4.2.2.1. Absolute and Comparative Degree Constructions 98
4.2.2.2. The Distributional Context of the Telic Marker Maka- 103
4.2.2.3. Morphological Marking 105
4.2.3. Summary 120
4.3. Degree Achievements in Paiwan 121
4.3.1. Endpoint-oriented Degree Modifier 121
4.3.2. Time Frame Modifier 122
4.3.3. Time Duration Modifier 122
4.3.4. Aspect-Manner Modifier 123
4.3.5. Reduplication 124
4.3.6. Summary 125
4.4. Gradable Predicates in Saaroa 126
4.4.1. Semantic Property 126
4.4.1.1. Degree Modification and Degree Constructions 126
4.4.1.2. Entailment Patterns 128
4.4.1.3. Focus Modification 131
4.4.2. Syntactic Behavior 133
4.4.2.1. Absolute and Comparative Degree Constructions 133
4.4.2.2. Morphological Marking 140
4.4.3. Summary 143
4.5. Degree Achievements in Saaroa 144
4.5.1. Time Frame Modifier 144
4.5.2. Time Duration Modifier 145
4.5.3. Aspect-Manner Modifier 145
4.5.4. Summary 146
4.6. The Degree-based Analysis 147
4.6.1. Gradable Predicates and Measure Phrases 148
4.6.1.1. Schwarzschild’s (2005) Generalizations 149
4.6.1.2. Analyses of Degree Measurement 151
4.6.1.3. Differential Measurement in Paiwan and Saaroa 155
4.6.1.4. Absolute Measurement in Paiwan and Saaroa 161
4.6.2. Degree Achievements and Measure of Changes 164
4.6.2.1. Where Previous Analyses Fail 164
4.6.2.2. Measure of Change and Degree Achievements 171
4.7. Conclusion 176
Chapter 5 On the Causative and Anti-Causative Alternations 180
5.1. Introduction 180
5.1.1. A Typology of Causative Alternation 182
5.1.2. The Cross-linguistic Properties of Anti-Causatives 184
5.2. Causative Alternations in Paiwan 186
5.2.1. Three Types of Causative Verbs 187
5.2.1.1. Causative Denominal Verbs 187
5.2.1.2. Causative State Verbs 191
5.2.1.3. Causative Dynamic Verbs 197
5.2.1.4. Semantic Bleaching of the Causative Affixes 202
5.2.2. Semantic Property 210
5.2.2.1. Causative vs. Telic Readings 210
5.2.2.2. Dynamic Action 211
5.2.2.3. Intentional Action and Volitional Causer 212
5.2.3. Syntactic Pattern 213
5.2.3.1. Voice and Case 213
5.2.3.2. Control 214
5.2.4. Summary 214
5.3. Anti-Causative Alternations in Paiwan 215
5.3.1. What Are Not Anti-Causatives? 215
5.3.1.1. Anti-Causatives vs. Passives 215
5.3.1.2. Anti-Causatives vs. Middles 219
5.3.2. Semantic Property 221
5.3.2.1. Derived Change of State 221
5.3.2.2. Unintentional Action 223
5.3.3. Syntactic Behavior 224
5.3.3.1. Distributional Contexts of the Prefix ka- 224
5.3.3.2. Voice and Case 227
5.3.3.3. Control 228
5.3.3.4. Cause Specification and Causal Event Nominal 228
5.3.4. Summary 229
5.4. Causative Alternations in Saaroa 230
5.4.1. Three Types of Causative Verbs 231
5.4.1.1. Causative Denominal Verbs 231
5.4.1.2. Causative State Verbs 233
5.4.1.3. Causative Dynamic Verbs 234
5.4.2. Semantic Property 235
5.4.2.1. Dynamic Action 235
5.4.2.2. Intentional Action and Volitional Causer 236
5.4.3. Syntactic Behavior 237
5.4.3.1. Voice and Case 237
5.4.3.2. Control 238
5.4.3.3. Cause Specification and Lexical Prefix Concord 238
5.4.3.4. Argument Composition 241
5.4.4. Summary 245
5.5. Marked Causative Alternations in Saaroa 247
5.5.1. Marked Causative Constructions and PV Constructions 247
5.5.2. Semantic Properties 248
5.5.2.1. Selectional Restriction of the Causer Argument 248
5.5.2.2. Volitional Undergoer 248
5.5.3. Syntactic Behaviors 249
5.5.3.1. Pronoun Agreement 249
5.5.3.2. Word Order 250
5.5.3.3. Voice Inflection 251
5.5.3.4. Morphological Structure 251
5.5.3.5. Control 252
5.5.3.6. Argument Composition 252
5.6. Anti-Causative Alternations in Saaroa 254
5.6.1. Causatives and Anti-Causatives 254
5.6.2. Semantic Property 255
5.6.2.1. Volitional Undergoer 255
5.6.2.2. Selectional Restriction of the Causer Argument 256
5.6.3. Syntactic Behavior 256
5.6.3.1. Pronoun Agreement 256
5.6.3.2. Word Order 257
5.6.3.3. Voice Inflection 257
5.6.3.4. Control 258
5.6.3.5. Argument Composition 258
5.6.4. Summary 260
5.7. Toward an Explanation 263
5.7.1. Causative Alternations in Paiwan 263
5.7.1.1. Causative Denominal Verbs 263
5.7.1.2. Causative State Verbs 268
5.7.1.3. Causative Dynamic Verbs 275
5.7.2. Anti-Causative Alternations in Paiwan 280
5.7.2.1. Where Previous Analyses Fail 280
5.7.2.2. The Proposal 289
5.7.3. Causative Alternations in Saaroa 309
5.7.3.1. Causative Denominal Verbs 309
5.7.3.2. Causative Dynamic and State Verbs 311
5.7.3.3. Argument Composition 313
5.7.4. Anti-Causative and Marked Causative Alternations in Saaroa 316
5.7.4.1. Anti-Causative Verbs 316
5.7.4.2. Marked Causative Verbs 319
5.8. Conclusion 321
Chapter 6 Conclusion 326
6.1. Summary 326
6.2. Directions for Future Research 330
References 337
Appendices 355

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